Senators Wyden And Heinrich Speak Out Against Expanding FBI's Ability To Warrantlessly Spy On Your Communications

from the don't-allow-it dept

We've been writing for a while now how the FBI has been trying to rewrite a key part of the PATRIOT Act to massively expand its ability to use National Security Letters (NSLs) to get email and browser information with no warrant and no oversight. Despite the fact that the FBI was asking for this just days before the Orlando shooting, right after it, a bunch of Senators, led by John McCain, used the opportunity to fast track that legislative change, cynically pointing to the Orlando shooting as a reason why it's needed (despite it having nothing whatsoever to do with that). That effort failed, but just barely -- and it's expected to be brought up again shortly for another vote.

Senators Ron Wyden and Martin Heinrich are trying to convince people that this is a bad, bad idea. They've written a short but compelling article on how this is a massive abuse of privacy, and why the FBI absolutely does not need this power.

Given what web browsing history can reveal, there is little information that could be more intimate. If you know that a person is visiting the website of a mental health professional, or a substance-abuse support group, or a particular political organization, or a particular dating site, you know a tremendous amount of private and personal information about him or her. That’s what you get when you can get access to their web browsing history without a court order.



They note that there are real threats, but this change in the law won't help to stop those threats. Indeed, the FBI already has the ability to get this information -- it just needs to submit to a tiny bit of oversight:

But the FBI already has at least two separate ways they can quickly obtain these electronic records with court oversight.
 
First, under the Patriot Act’s section 215, the FBI can get a court order from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court to obtain a suspect’s electronic records. The president’s surveillance review group, which included former top intelligence officials, said this kind of court oversight should be required for this kind of information.
 
Second, in emergency situations where the FBI believes it needs to move immediately, it already has the authority to get these records first, and then settle up with the court afterward. This authority comes from section 102 of the USA FREEDOM Act, which is based on language Sen. Wyden authored and we both strongly supported.
 


This effort to expand the FBI's surveillance powers should be a non-starter and it's depressing that so many Senators are willing to grant the FBI near total freedom to spy on our electronic records without a warrant. Given the FBI's history of abusing its surveillance powers, sometimes for political gain, shouldn't Congress be restricting such powers, rather than expanding them?

Stay tuned, later today, on the Techdirt Podcast, we'll have Senator Wyden discussing why this is so problematic.

Filed Under: fbi, martin heinrich, national security letters, nsls, ron wyden, surveillance

Senate Intelligence Committee Members Ask White House For Official Apology From CIA For Hacking Senate Computers

from the CIA:-it's-time-to-let-unacknowledged-wrongdoing-remain-unacknowledged dept

Ron Wyden, Martin Heinrich and Mazie Hirono -- all members of Senate Intelligence Committee -- have sent a letter to the President demanding an official apology from CIA head John Brennan for the agency's surveillance of Senate staffers working on the Torture Report.

"In January 2014, CIA personnel conducted an unauthorized, unprecedented search of Senate committee files, including the emails and other files of Senate staff investigating the CIA's use of torture," says the letter...

"The CIA Inspector General stated in a July 2014 report that this search involved 'improper agency access to [Senate Intelligence Committee] files.' A review board selected by CIA Director Brennan concluded in December 2014 that this CIA search 'resulted in inappropriate access to [Senate Intelligence Committee] work product'."

[...]

"We believe that it is necessary for you to ensure that senior officials in your administration recognize the importance of adhering to the rule of law," the lawmakers wrote to Obama. "We ask that you instruct Director Brennan to acknowledge that the CIA's unauthorized search of Senate files was improper and will not be repeated."

The White House and CIA have yet to comment on the letter and there's nothing in the history of the incident that suggests either will move forward on this. Obama's on short time and the CIA already cleared itself of all wrongdoing with an in-house "investigation" and further showed its disdain for independent oversight by throwing its Inspector General and his report on the spying efforts under the bus.

Jason Leopold and Vice obtained hundreds of documents through FOIA requests that appeared to show the opposite of what the CIA's internal investigation claimed. But it was the CIA that had the last word, proclaiming itself innocent and simultaneously accusing Senate staffers of improperly accessing restricted documents.

But the most damning document -- at least in the context of a demand for an official apology from the CIA -- was the apology the agency unofficially disavowed when it cleared itself of hacking allegations.

[T]he documents turned over to VICE News included a July 28, 2014 letter from Brennan that was addressed to Feinstein and Saxby Chambliss, who was then the ranking Republican on the Intelligence Committee, in which he apologized to them and admitted that the CIA's penetration of the computer network used by committee staffers reviewing the agency's torture program was improper.

The thing is, Brennan never signed or sent this apology. It just sat in a Torture Report-related file until it was FOIAed. Brennan even offered a closed-door, off-the-record apology to Dianne Feinstein, but to date, the final official word remains the CIA's: we did nothing wrong.

Filed Under: cia, john brennan, martin heinrich, mazie hirono, president obama, ron wyden, senate intelligence committee, spying, torture report

CIA's John Brennan Refuses To Tell Senate Who Okayed Spying On The Senate

from the constitutional-crisis dept

As you may recall, over the past few months, there's been a rather big story brewing, concerning how the CIA spied on Senate staffers. Specifically, after having explicitly promised not to do so, the CIA snooped on a private network of Senate staffers who were putting together the giant $40 million report on the CIA's torture program. The CIA tried to spin the story, claiming that they only spied on that network after realizing that those staffers had a document that the CIA thought it had not handed over to the staffers (they had), believing that perhaps there had been a security breach. However, when read carefully, the CIA's spin actually confirmed the original story: the CIA, against basically all of its mandates and the basic concept of the Constitutional separation of powers, had spied on the Senate. While both the Senate and the CIA asked the DOJ to investigate, eventually the DOJ said the matter was closed and there would be no prosecutions.

At the end of July, the CIA finally came out and admitted that it had spied on the Senate, and effectively admitted that CIA boss John Brennan had flat out lied about it back in March. The CIA's inspector general then revealed that the spying went even further than people had originally believed. This raised even more questions, but with Brennan "apologizing" and Senator Dianne Feinstein saying that she was satisfied with the apology, it seemed like this unfortunate incident may have been over and done with.

Apparently not. Last week, in the latest meeting concerning the torture report redactions, apparently some Senators asked Brennan to reveal who authorized the spying on the Senate staffers, and Brennan refused to tell them, leading to a bunch of very angry Senators -- which may create some further issues, given that the Senators are supposed to oversee the CIA.

Tensions between the CIA and its congressional overseers erupted anew this week when CIA Director John Brennan refused to tell lawmakers who authorized intrusions into computers used by the Senate Intelligence Committee to compile a damning report on the spy agency’s interrogation program.

Multiple Senators spoke out angrily about the situation:

“I’m concerned there’s disrespect towards the Congress,” Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich., who also serves as chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, told McClatchy. “I think it’s arrogant, I think it’s unacceptable.”

“I continue to be incredibly frustrated with this director,” said Sen. Martin Heinrich, D-N.M. “He does not respect the role of the committee in providing oversight, and he continues to stonewall us on basic information, and it’s very frustrating. And it certainly doesn’t serve the agency well.”

Sen. Mark Udall, D-Colo., said he was “renewing my call” for Brennan’s resignation.

The CIA's response to all of this is typically maddening, in that it shows how they try to underplay what really happened:

CIA spokesman Dean Boyd said that Brennan declined to answer the committee’s questions because doing so could have compromised an investigation into the computer intrusions by an accountability board headed by former Sen. Evan Bayh.

The McClatchy report suggests that in the meeting, Brennan "raised his voice at Feinstein." Senator Levin noted that the CIA's response to this whole thing is bogus, because even if there is an independent investigation (set up by the CIA) going on, it doesn't mean that Brennan himself gets to shirk his responsibility to answer questions coming from the Senate committees that oversee his activities.

“It may or may not be appropriate for the (CIA) IG to answer, but it’s not appropriate for Brennan to refuse to answer. If he doesn’t know the answers, he can say so,” said Levin.

Levin continued, “He either knows the information or he doesn’t. If he doesn’t know the answers, OK, tell us. It’d be kind of stunning if he didn’t know the answers to those questions, but if that’s what he wants to say, he should tell us.”

Of course, the big question is, what will the Senate do about this other than make a lot of noise? Brennan seems to be banking on "absolutely nothing," and he may be right.

Filed Under: carl levin, cia, dianne feinstein, john brennan, mark udall, martin heinrich, senate, senate staffers, spying, torture report

US Gov't Appears To Have Misled The Supreme Court About How The NSA Spied On Americans

from the whoa dept

We've written a few times now about the fact that US Solicitor General Donald Verrilli pretty clearly made false statements to the Supreme Court in a key case concerning NSA warrantless wiretapping. The case, Clapper v. Amnesty International, mainly focused on who had standing to challenge warrantless wiretaps performed by the NSA. The government argued that since there was no evidence that Amnesty International was spied on, it had no standing. The false statement involved the claim that the government would have to inform defendants in cases where warrantless wiretaps were used that that's how the info was gathered. Except the government didn't do that.

It turns out that might not have been the only misrepresentation from Verrilli -- and this next one may be even bigger, involving misleading the Supreme Court on a loophole that allowed the NSA to spy on tens of thousands of Americans.

As was noted earlier this year, upon realizing what happened, Verrilli was apparently furious, and the DOJ has now changed its policy to match with what Verrilli said -- they now will notify defendants, but it's clear that they never did so before.

But Senators Mark Udall, Ron Wyden and Martin Heinrich have sent Verrilli a letter urging him to "set the record straight" with the Supreme Court... but not just on that issue of disclosing. Rather they highlight somewhere else they think he did not paint the correct picture:

In Clapper v. Amnesty, the majority opinion characterizes as “highly speculative” the plaintiffs’ fear that “the Government will decide to target the communications of non-U.S. persons with whom they communicate,” and states that the “respondents’ theory necessarily rests on their assertion that the Government will target other individuals – namely their foreign contacts.” These and other statements in the opinion indicate the Court’s view that the only way the plaintiffs’ communications could be intercepted under the FAA is if those communications are to or from a foreign intelligence target.

Yet with the disclosure and declassification in recent months of relevant documents regarding Section 702, the role of ‘about’ collection under the FAA is now public, although not widely understood. In addition to authorizing the collection of communications to and from foreign, overseas targets, the FISA Amendments Act also has been secretly interpreted to authorize the collection of communications that are merely about a targeted overseas foreigner.

This form of collection allows the government – through the “upstream” collection under Section 702 – to collect any communication whose content includes an identifier, such as an email address, associated with an overseas foreigner who may be a foreign intelligence target. But according to the FISA Court’s October 2011 opinion, the ‘about’ collection likely results in the acquisition of “tens of thousands” of wholly domestic communications every year. In other words, tens of thousands of emails between law-abiding Americans are likely being collected – even though these Americans are not actually communicating directly with a foreign intelligence or terrorism target. As FAA collection was intended to target persons “reasonably believed to be located outside the United States,” and targeting procedures were intended to “prevent the intentional acquisition of any communication as to which the sender and all intended recipients are known at the time of acquisition to be located in the United States,” the FISA Court in its October 2011 opinion called this expanded FAA collection a circumvention of the “spirit” of the law and a “cause of concern for the Court.”

Just to hammer this point home, they're saying that despite everyone, including the Supreme Court, clearly reading the law to say that Section 702 of the FAA is supposed to be limited to surveillance on foreign targets, it actually also allows surveillance on communications about foreign targets -- and that likely includes tons of communications of Americans. And these communications were believed not to be available under this program, including by the Supreme Court.

The Senators ask Verrilli if he clearly informed the Supreme Court of this at any point, and if not, suggest that he correct the record.

We believe that a formal notification to the Supreme Court of the government’s misrepresentations in the case — both relating to its notice policy and relating to its practice of ‘about’ collection under Section 702 of the FISA Amendments Act — would be an important step in correcting the public record and would be in the interests of the public as well as of the Administration and the Supreme Court.

This seems rather important -- and a point that not many reporters have covered (which also might explain why the Senators are raising it, and noting that the revelation "is not widely understood.") This is a way of alerting people to the simple fact that the NSA has interpreted Section 702 to mean it can collect any communication deemed to be "about" a target, even if the communication is not from or to that target.

Filed Under: donald verrilli, faa, fisa, fisa amendments act, james clapper, mark udall, martin heinrich, nsa, ron wyden, section 702, solicitor general, supreme court, target
Companies: amnesty international

Senators Tell Court There's No Evidence That Bulk Phone Record Collection Was Useful

from the now-that's-an-amicus-brief dept

Here's something you don't see every day: three sitting US Senators filing an amicus brief against the federal government. Amicus (friend of the court) briefs can sometimes be quite useful, but all too often they're sort of there to just reinforce certain arguments made by some of the parties. Sometimes that's helpful, because at times they can present things in a way that is very useful for the court to understand things. It's somewhat rarer for an amicus to really have a unique insight into the issue. But here's one case where there's an amicus brief with a truly unique perspective. Senators Ron Wyden, Mark Udall and Martin Heinrich are asking to file an amicus brief in one of the big cases over the NSA's bulk collection of metadata from all phone calls. This is the case that was organized by the EFF, involving a variety of organizations, from churches to gun rights organizations to civil liberties groups and more.

The three Senators, all members of the Senate Intelligence Committee, have submitted amicus briefs to share with the court that, from what they've seen, there's no evidence that the bulk data collection program has been at all useful -- which is likely to be a key claim by the DOJ.

Now that the government’s bulk call-records program has been exposed, the government has defended it vigorously. Amici submit this brief to respond to the government’s claim, which it is expected to repeat in this suit, that its collection of bulk call records is necessary to defend the nation against terrorist attacks. Amici make one central point: As members of the committee charged with overseeing the National Security Agency’s surveillance, Amici have reviewed this surveillance extensively and have seen no evidence that the bulk collection of Americans’ phone records has provided any intelligence of value that could not have been gathered through less intrusive means. The government has at its disposal a number of authorities that allow it to obtain the call records of suspected terrorists and those in contact with suspected terrorists. It appears to Amici that these more targeted authorities could have been used to obtain the information that the government has publicly claimed was crucial in a few important counterterrorism cases.

They further point out that beyond the lack of usefulness, the implications of the federal government's interpretation of the law has a very wide impact. However, the real focus of the filing is on the supposed usefulness, and the Senators don't pull any punches. They directly call out the NSA and its defenders for trying very hard to misrepresent and mislead the public record:

As Amici and others have made clear, the evidence shows that the executive branch’s claims about the effectiveness of the bulk phone-records program have been vastly overstated and, in some cases, utterly misleading....

For example, the executive branch has defended the program by claiming that it helped “thwart” or “disrupt” fifty-four specific terrorist plots.... But that claim conflates the bulk-collection program with other foreign-intelligence authorities.5 In fact, as Amici know from their regular oversight of the intelligence community as members of the SSCI, “it appears that the bulk phone records collection program under section 215 of the USA Patriot Act played little or no role in most of these disruptions.” .... Indeed, of the original fifty- four that the government pointed to, officials have only been able to describe two that involved materially useful information obtained through the bulk call-records program.... Even the two supposed success stories involved information that Amici believe—after repeated requests to the government for evidence to the contrary—could readily have been obtained without a database of all Americans’ call records....

In both public statements and in newly declassified submissions to the SSCI, intelligence officials have significantly exaggerated the phone-records program’s effectiveness. Based on the experience of Amici, the public—and this Court—should view the government’s claims regarding the effectiveness of its surveillance programs with searching skepticism and demand evidence rather than assurances before accepting them.

The Senators are not the only amici. There are others, including from a group of experts in the history of government surveillance (including noted NSA watcher, James Bamford), a bunch of news organizations (including the American Society of News Editors, the LA Times, McClatchy, the Newspaper Guild, Advance Publications and more), criminal defense lawyers (who apparently are realizing how the NSA has been funneling and laundering data used against their clients under "parallel construction") and PEN American Center, a non-profit representing a bunch of writers. Still, having Senators jump into the case is big news, even if Wyden and Udall have been making their opinion clear for some time.

Filed Under: bulk collection, mark udall, martin heinrich, metadata, nsa, nsa surveillance, patriot act, ron wyden, section 215