Appeals Court: City-Owned Utility Pulling Electric Use Info Every 15 Minutes Is A Search
from the but-an-acceptable-search-apparently dept
An oddball, but interesting, decision [PDF] flowing from the Supreme Court's Carpenter ruling has been issued by the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals. While the Carpenter decision centered on the long term collection of historic cell site location information, the ruling could be applied to a number of situations where records created by citizens are stored and housed by other parties and accessible without a warrant.
This case deals with smart meters, issued by the government (via the public electric utility) to track electric use in citizens' homes. With the old meters, readings were performed by utility employees every few weeks. The new smart meters send back info on electric use every fifteen minutes. This frequency was chosen by the City of Naperville government. It could have gone with something less intrusive, but it chose this method instead.
The city was sued by citizens opposed to being snooped on by the new smart meters. The plaintiffs argued the frequent readings allowed to government to make a great deal of inferences about activities inside citizens' homes, based on the rolling delivery of energy use amounts. The district court tossed the case. So does the Appeals Court, but only after making some interesting findings. (via Orin Kerr/Volokh Conspiracy)
First, the court rules that the government's use of smart meters to retrieve information about electric usage is actually a search under the Fourth Amendment. To do that, it looks to the Supreme Court's Kyllo decision, which dealt with the warrantless deployment of thermal imaging scanners by law enforcement. That decision found deployment to be a search, even if officers never physically entered the residences being scanned. Enough could be inferred about inside activity from the thermal images to be considered a search under the Fourth Amendment. The Appeals Court says the same rationale applies here.
The technology-assisted data collection that Smart Meter Awareness alleges here is at least as rich as that found to be a search in Kyllo. Indeed, the group alleges that energy-consumption data collected at fifteen-minute intervals reveals when people are home, when people are away, when people sleep and eat, what types of appliances are in the home, and when those appliances are used. By contrast, Kyllo merely revealed that something in the home was emitting a large amount of energy (in the form of heat).
This search, performed by smart meters, has more privacy implications than the rough thermal imaging in Kyllo.
What’s more, the data collected by Naperville can be used to draw the exact inference that troubled the Court in Kyllo. There, law enforcement “concluded that [a home’s occupant] was using halide lights to grow marijuana in his house” based on an excessive amount of energy coming from the home. Id. at 30. Here too, law enforcement could conclude that an occupant was using grow lights from incredibly high meter readings, particularly if the power was drawn at odd hours. In fact, the data collected by Naperville could prove even more intrusive. By analyzing the energy consumption of a home over time in concert with appliance load profiles for grow lights, Naperville law enforcement could “conclude” that a resident was using the lights with more confidence than those using thermal imaging could ever hope for. With little effort, they could conduct this analysis for many homes over many years.
The court notes this isn't a Third Party Doctrine case, unlike the Supreme Court's Carpenter decision. This argument, raised by the city in its defense of its info collection, is unavailing. There is no third party. This dismantles the city's argument the data collection was somehow a "voluntary" exchange. The information flows from citizens' houses directly to the government. There's nothing "voluntary" about electric service provided by the government, and that's where the Carpenter decision comes in.
The third-party doctrine rests on “the notion that an individual has a reduced expectation of privacy in information knowingly shared with another.”But in this context, a choice to share data imposed by fiat is no choice at all. If a person does not—in any meaningful sense—“voluntarily ‘assume the risk’ of turning over a comprehensive dossier of physical movements” by choosing to use a cell phone, Carpenter, 138 S. Ct. at 2220 (quoting Smith, 442 U.S. at 745), it also goes that a home occupant does not assume the risk of near constant monitoring by choosing to have electricity in her home. We therefore doubt that Smith and Miller extend this far.
Ultimately, the court sides with government. Unreasonable searches need warrants. They're permission slips for things we don't want our government doing without permission from an impartial judge and without laying out the justification for the search. In this case, the flow of data to the government (in exchange for the flow of electricity from the government) is a search, but it's a "reasonable" search. The appeals court says that the government's interest in modernizing the grid and energy deployment is worthwhile and done "without prosecutorial intent." Law enforcement does not have constant access to this info. Only the utility does. Presumably, additional paperwork would be necessary if law enforcement does want access, but the court doesn't see anything on the record that suggests public utility shoulder surfing by police officers.
Smart meters allow utilities to reduce costs, provide cheaper power to consumers, encourage energy efficiency, and increase grid stability. We hold that these interests render the city’s search reasonable, where the search is unrelated to law enforcement, is minimally invasive, and presents little risk of corollary criminal consequences.
Somewhat strangely, the court decides that the more smart meters the government rolls out, the less of a Fourth Amendment issue it becomes.
Under Kyllo, however, even an extremely invasive technology can evade the warrant requirement if it is “in general public use.” While more and more energy providers are encouraging (or in this case forcing) their customers to permit the installation of smart meters, the meters are not yet so pervasive that they fall into this class. To be sure, the exact contours of this qualifier are unclear—since Kyllo, the Supreme Court has offered little guidance. But Kyllo itself suggests that the use of technology is not a search when the technology is both widely available and routinely used by the general public.
In the court's own words, now that airplanes are a routine part of daily life, stuff viewable from overheard has a diminished privacy interest. Apparently, the same thing applies to the continuous flow of electric usage data to government utilities. Once smart meters are no longer a niche item, Americans will just have to get used to the government drawing inferences from the multiple data points it gathers daily.
This seems at odds with the Carpenter decision (which partially stems from the Supreme Court's ruling on cellphone searches). The more pervasive the tech is, the more privacy implications it raises. Once cellphones became ubiquitous, the government could no longer be allowed to treat them as tracking devices loaded with personal information that could be accessed without a warrant.
The tech in this case may be owned by the government, but the same thought process should apply. Turning peoples' homes into a steady stream of data points via the rollout of smart meters should weigh against the government's easy access, rather than be treated as a supporting argument for it. But that's the way the Supreme Court precedent sits right now, which makes for some very inconsistent Fourth Amendment applications.
Filed Under: 4th amendment, 7th circuit, carpenter, electric utility, naperville, smart meters